Russian President Vladimir Putin is arriving in India on a state visit at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. During the visit, Putin will attend 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit from 04 – 05 December 2025. According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs PM Modi and President Putin will review progress in bilateral relations, set the vision for strengthening the ‘Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership’ and exchange views on regional and global issues of mutual interest. President of India Draupadi Murmu will also receive President Putin and host a banquet in his honour. In this short video, I am going to analyze India and Russia strategic relationship, defence deal and trade amid the ongoing Ukraine war, Operation Sindoor and Trump Tariffs.
Shailesh Kumar, National Defence
New Delhi, 30 November 2025
In the year 2000, India- Russia signed the “Declaration of Strategic Partnership,” formalising the mechanism of regular annual summits between their leaders.
During 17th Summit held between Oct 14–17 in 2016 in Goa, Putin visited as part of a wider BRICS context. During the 17th Summit several MoUs were signed including in the hydrocarbon (oil & gas) sector. Both countries signed MoUs for joint studies (including possibilities of a gas pipeline from Russia to India), joint investment, and collaboration in hydrocarbon exploration and development.
Educational/training cooperation between Indian energy firms (like ONGC-Videsh) and Russian firms (e.g. Rosneft), for energy-sector skill transfer.
Also under that summit: agreements related to defence-industrial cooperation, shipbuilding, joint production (helicopters, warships) were signed.
In 2020, the Summit was postponed — first time since the annual summits began — because of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The 21st Annual Summit was held on Dec 6th 2021 in New Delhi; Putin visited and held talks with PM Narendra Modi. This was the last in-person summit in India before the Ukraine war began in early 2022.
During this summit India and Russia signed a landmark agreement on military-technical cooperation for 2021–2031. This governs joint research & development, production, after-sales support of military equipment, technology transfer, and maintenance.
Defence cooperation under this framework includes licensed production / joint maintenance / upgrades of Russian-origin equipment used by Indian armed forces: fighter aircraft, tanks, other weapon systems.
On the same occasion they institutionalized the “2+2 Dialogue” (Defence + External Affairs ministers) for oversight of military-technical cooperation. The first 2+2 Dialogue was held on 6 December 2021.
The 22nd India–Russia Annual Summit was held in Moscow from July 8–9 in 2024. On this trip, PM Modi visited Russia at Putin’s invitation; following that, the two sides reaffirmed the “special and privileged strategic partnership.”
Now lets talk about key defence deals & cooperation agreements signed between India and Russia:
In 2018, India signed a deal with Russia to buy five batteries of S-400 long-range surface-to-air missile systems. As of 2025, three S-400 regiments are operational, and the remaining two are expected to be delivered by 2025–2026.
As of now, India is reportedly negotiating a fresh purchase of S-400 surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), which could be a deal worth around US $1.1 billion — to resupply and strengthen its S-400-equipped air defence regiments. You would recall that post operation Sindoor, the Indian Air Force & defence establishment has publicly described S-400 as a “game-changer,” saying the system “did not let enemy operate in its own territory” — implying successful neutralization of threats. Infact, on 13th May 2025, PM Modi visited Adampur Air Force Station in Punjab and addressed IAF air-warriors and soldiers with Russian S-400 Triumf in the background.
Now coming to fighter jets and aerial assets, India has long used Russian-built or license produced fighter jets MiGs and Sukhois for long. Over 250 of Sukhoi Su-30MKI still remain central to IAF’s combat fleet.
According to sources, Russia is also pitching a version of the fifth-generation fighter Su-57E for possible procurement and indigenous production. However, US President Donald Trump has also offered its F-35 fighter jet out of blue to India during the visit of PM Modi in February this year. However, India is trying its own fifth generation Advance Medium Combat Aircraft, for which there is likely a deal with any foreign player for indigenous production of aero engine. India has been using Russsian platforms and labs to test its own Kaveri engine. But that capability could not be developed to power LCA tejas and India has further signed aero engine deal with US for GE-414 engines for LCA Tejas-Mk-1A.
With Russia, Indian Air Force has also undertaken upgrades and integration — e.g. integration of the joint air-to-surface missile BrahMos on Su-30MKI aircraft for enhanced strike capabilities.
If we talk about Naval & Submarine Deals and Cooperation between both the countries then India has leased the Russian Akula-class nuclear-powered submarine INS Chakra — earlier named “Nerpa” under Russian origin. The lease introduced India to operation of modern nuclear-powered sub tech.
There was agreement for a follow-up lease: a newer slated submarine — often referred to as INS Chakra III — originally expected by 2025, but now reportedly delayed, possibly for delivery by 2028.
As per recent reports (2025), India and Russia plan joint production / delivery of a batch of four stealth frigates — part built in Russia, part in India. The first of these frigates (project under this agreement) was commissioned in December 2024; others are expected by 2026–2027.
Defence deal and cooperation for Army’s Tanks, Armoured Vehicles & Land Forces Support also dominate Russian assets. India uses a large inventory of Russian-origin tanks (e.g. variants of T-72 tank) and armoured vehicles. As part of modernization, in 2025 India signed a deal worth US $248 million with Russia to acquire more powerful 1,000 HP engines to upgrade these Soviet-era tanks — enhancing mobility and battlefield performance.
Apart from hardware supply, the cooperation extends to licensed/local production and maintenance support under bilateral joint-production frameworks.
Both countries also have robut Joint R&D, Production & Strategic Cooperation. The Defence cooperation has evolved beyond simple buyer-seller: bilateral deals include joint research, development, and co-production. BrahMos cruise missile system— capable of deployment from land, air or sea is live and proven example how it broke the spine of Pakistan in Operation Sindoor.
Through frameworks like the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), the two countries hold regular dialogues, handle military tech cooperation, after-sales support, upgrades, and ensure long-term defence ties.
They also conduct joint military exercises — e.g. the bilateral naval/military exercise INDRA — which strengthen interoperability between their armed forces.
So, now comes what’s likely on the Table during the upcoming summit between leaders of India and Russia:
So, first of all, India is pushing for additional S-400 systems or at least resupply of missiles for existing/regiments under active use.
The upgrade plan for the tanks (with new engines) suggests a drive to modernize older land assets rather than replace — a pragmatic step.
There may be discussions on new naval platforms or further frigate deliveries / co-production, especially given recent commissioning and ongoing work on stealth frigates.
Defence-industrial cooperation might expand further — possibly exploring advanced jets (though the earlier FGFA/Su-57E proposal remains uncertain), missiles, and joint maintenance/manufacturing programs.
The heavy Russian footprint — across air defence (S-400), fighters (Su-30MKI), missiles (BrahMos), naval/submarine fleet, tanks — means India continues to rely significantly on Russian technology for core defence — a key strategic pillar.
Upgrades (tank engines, missile resupply, naval assets) signal an effort to modernize and prolong usability of existing assets rather than rely only on new buys — a trend worth highlighting when discussing cost-effectiveness vs frontier tech.
The joint R&D / co-production model (e.g. BrahMos, licensed production of jets/tanks) shows a shift from “import-heavy” to “partially indigenous production.
Given global tensions like Ukraine war, pressure & sanctions on Russia, these deals reflect India’s strategic autonomy — balancing international pressures while safeguarding national security.
What Russia May Hope to Achieve from This Summit (Beyond Obvious Deals)
No-1 Expand cooperation in new fields: energy (oil, gas, nuclear), civil-nuclear projects, high-tech, infrastructure, maritime connectivity — renegotiating terms under changing global markets.
No-2 Institutionalizing more trade and financial linkages (maybe move toward bilateral financial/payment systems) to circumvent sanctions or over-reliance on global financial systems.
No-3 Reinforcing defence cooperation — possibly including supply of more systems, upgrades, or joint manufacturing to strengthen Russian arms industry output.
No-4 Signal to global players — West, China, other neighbours — that Russia remains globally connected and has strong allies, shaping the global narrative around multipolarity vs Western dominance.
If you recall, one major trigger for U.S. tariffs was India’s continued purchase of Russian oil. During the visit, Russia may push for guaranteed energy-supply deals, pricing, long-term contracts — knowing that India needs to secure energy even under international pressure.
Russia might also seek deeper cooperation in sectors beyond oil: defence, infrastructure, manufacturing — seeking to lock in agreements when India feels the pressure from Western sanctions.
Russia could portray the India alliance as a “hedge” against Western trade bullying — appealing to India’s desire for strategic autonomy.
Now there is another scenario where US President tightening the noose on countries that deal with Russia helping it circumvent sanction. India is undoubtedly under pressure to manage economic fallout at home as exports to U.S. shrinking & certain sectors hit. That may limit how much India is willing to commit to big new deals (defence or energy) because domestic economic stress demands attention.
India may try to balance: it could deepen ties with Russia, but it might also seek to diversify exports away from Russia-linked supply chains, or negotiate with other global partners to avoid being overly dependent on Russia — which could curtail Russia’s leverage.
International scrutiny: Since U.S. tariffs link trade consequences to Russia-ties, any deepening of India–Russia trade or defence cooperation may trigger further pressure or threaten India’s relations with other global powers. Russia must manage such risks diplomatically.
In my view, both countries may move forward but will avoid a major declaration of any deal or agreement to avoid any economic fallout as India and US likely to sign first part of the trade deal by the end of this year.
About the author: Shailesh Kumar, found editor of National Defence is Indian journalist with over 24 years of working experience. He has previously reported for The Pioneer, The Day After, Centre For Science & Environment, BAG Films, Star News (now ABP News), India TV, News X and News 24. He can be reached at: shailesh.news76@gmail.com.
Subscribe National Defence on YouTube. Click here!
Comments